FGM Combating Efforts in the Horn of Africa: Reflections for Togo
by Grace Victor
The article Combating female genital mutilation in Northeast (Horn) Africa and its challenges provides a thorough examination of how deeply FGM is embedded in social, cultural, and religious fabrics in the Horn of Africa, and the complex tensions faced by activists, health workers, governments, and communities in efforts to abolish it. The author frames the struggle as one requiring not just legal or health interventions, but careful, respectful social change that acknowledges local beliefs and power structures.
The article begins by reviewing the prevalence of FGM in Horn countries and the traditional rationale supporting it. Many communities see FGM as a normative rite, tied to gendered expectations, marriageability, honor, and purity. The author emphasizes that FGM is not simply a physical act but one with enduring psychological, sexual, and social consequences. In the Horn, shifting the practice is not easy: entire value systems and identity signals are wrapped around it.
A core insight from the paper is that zero-tolerance approaches, while morally clear, can clash with local norms and provoke backlash or push the practice underground. The author suggests that health education and behavior change must proceed gradually and respectfully, rather than through abrupt imposition. The article calls for unity in policy among regional and international players, and stresses the importance of involving “tribal elites” (traditional leaders) as allies, rather than alienating them.
The article also identifies several dilemmas and challenges:
Definition ambiguity: many communities distinguish between severe (infibulation, “pharaonic”) cuts and “less severe” forms (sunna, snip), considering only the former as “FGM” worthy of prohibition.
Medicalization risk: shifting the procedure into medical settings or having less invasive forms can be framed as harm reduction, but this may legitimize continued cutting.
Policy inconsistencies: laws and enforcement vary greatly across the Horn; some countries lack clear prohibitions or definitions that include all types of FGM.
Norms and stigma: uncut girls or those with “less severe” forms may be stigmatized as immoral, promiscuous, or rebellious.
Resource constraints & competing crises: in regions that face conflict, drought, poverty, health emergencies, governments often must prioritize immediate needs over long-term social change.
The author outlines a set of interventions that show promise in the Horn context:
Community dialogues using local facilitators, safe, respectful discussion that allows norms to be questioned internally rather than imposed from outside
Using media and technology with nuanced messaging combining health, rights, autonomy and amplifying survivors’ voices
Training health workers not to perform FGM but to counsel, support survivors, and refuse complicity
Engaging men, boys, religious leaders, youth in inclusive approaches rather than blaming or marginalizing them
Schools, teachers, curricula to embed awareness in younger generations
Reading this article through the lens of Togo, I see both resonances and differences and lessons we should heed.
First, while Togo has relatively low national prevalence of FGM (about 3 %), the contrast with the Horn’s extremely high rates underscores how entrenched norms can be and how much work it takes to shift them. The Horn experiences illustrate that even in communities where nearly all girls are cut, changes in practice (less severe cuts, change in timing, decline in the most extreme types) often happen before full abandonment. Togo must therefore guard against complacency: just because prevalence is low does not mean the practice is inert.
Second, the ambiguity over what counts as “FGM” (especially regarding the “less severe” forms) is a potential danger for Togo. If communities come to see mild forms as “acceptable” or outside the legal definition, then regressive shifts or compromises may occur. We must ensure that our laws and public messaging leave no loopholes for partial continuation.
Third, the risk of medicalization is a warning for Togo. If traditional cutters see pressure, some might try to shift the procedure into health settings or use “less severe” versions as a way to evade scrutiny. That path is dangerous because it can lend a veneer of legitimacy. Togo must train health personnel, enforce prohibitions, and resist normalization of even “minor” cutting under medical guise.
Fourth, the call for respectful, community-based dialogues and inclusion of local leaders is especially relevant. Togo’s communities that still practice FGM are often small and close-knit; heavy-handed external campaigns can backfire. Change that emerges from within, mediated by trusted voices, will be more durable.
Finally, the article’s caution about competing priorities is important for Togo too. When governments or NGOs face crises health emergencies, resource constraints they may deprioritize FGM work. But those moments are exactly when harmful practices can surge back. Sustained commitment is essential.
In conclusion, the Horn-of-Africa experience as described by Arabahmadi underscores the fact that abolishing FGM is not a one-shot campaign it is a delicate journey through terrains of culture, identity, power, and resistance. Togo is not the Horn, but we would do well to treat our progress as fragile and to adopt strategies that respect local voices, anticipate perverse shifts (e.g. medicalization), and maintain vigilance even when prevalence is low. As a young humanist from Togo, I believe our path should be steady, thoughtful, inclusive and always rooted in defending girls’ bodily integrity and dignity.