The Push Away from Religion and the Pull Towards Secularity: The Rise of the Nones - by Ryan Cragun and Jesse Smith
by Ruth Kuta
Let me begin with a short story. Imagine Amina, a young woman in Kano, who has long wrestled with doubts about parts of her faith, especially when sermons condemn women’s autonomy or restrict free inquiry. She keeps these thoughts close because in her community, questioning religion can bring suspicion or censure. One day, she hears of a movement in the U.S. called the “nones,” people who disaffiliate from organized religion, and wonders whether such a thing could ever take root in Northern Nigeria. It was in that spirit that I read “The Push Away From Religion and the Pull Toward Secularity: The Rise of the Nones in the U.S.” by Jesse M. Smith and Ryan T. Cragun, and here is my review in light of that story and my own context.
Smith and Cragun’s essay examines the growing trend in the U.S. of people identifying as religiously unaffiliated (“nones”) and seeks to explain it using a “push-pull” framework. Three of their most significant points are: (1) push factors within religion contribute significantly to religious exit, (2) pull factors toward secular life or nonbelief help sustain that exit, and (3) the decline of social pressures and changing generational attitudes make disaffiliation more socially feasible.
First, the authors articulate push factors as internal problems or tensions within religious life that drive individuals away. These include moral conflicts (for example, religious teachings on gender, sexuality, reproduction), perceptions of hypocrisy among religious leaders or congregants, doctrinal teachings that conflict with science or modern worldviews, and political alignment of religious institutions with ideologies that some members disagree with. Many interviewees in their study express disillusionment when they see religious institutions failing to live up to their moral claims or covering up wrongdoing. The tension between belief and lived behavior becomes unbearable for some.
Second, the essay emphasizes pull factors, the attractions of a secular or nonreligious life that draw people toward disaffiliation. These include the freedom to construct one’s own moral framework without needing to defend doctrines; intellectual satisfaction with evidence-based or scientific worldviews; the sense of authenticity and autonomy that comes from no longer feeling bound by dogmas; and the availability of secular communities and social acceptance for nonbelievers. The authors relate testimonies where former believers speak of relief, increased personal time, and mental peace after leaving religious obligations behind.
Third, Smith and Cragun argue that broader social changes have lowered the costs of leaving religion. In earlier eras, religious affiliation was socially expected, and the stigma of nonbelief was strong. But over time, social pressures to maintain religious identity have weakened. The authors point to generational shifts: younger generations are more likely to reject religion than their parents. The rise of the internet, increased exposure to plural worldviews, and more open public discourse have made nonbelief more visible and less socially penalized. Their data suggests that in certain regions, disaffiliation is becoming the “modal identity” (i.e. the statistical norm).
Reading this, I felt both resonance and skepticism. On one hand, their push-pull framework is compelling; it helps explain the complexity behind what might superficially look like simple “abandoning religion.” I appreciated how they combine qualitative interview data with broader social trends to show that leaving religion is rarely impulsive or single-caused. I also admire the voices they give to “religious exiters,” the testimonies of personal struggle, gradual disillusionment, and ultimately, redefinition of identity. On the other hand, I have questions about how well their U.S.-centered model translates into places like Northern Nigeria, where religion is not just personal belief but deeply entangled with family, community, law, and politics. Their essay assumes a social environment where leaving religion is increasingly tolerated; in many parts of Northern Nigeria, that assumption does not hold.
In the context of Northern Nigeria, the essay raises both opportunities and cautionary lessons. The push factors they identify, moral conflicts, perceived hypocrisy, and doctrinal tension with science, are very much present. People, especially among educated youth, often find religious teachings on sexuality, gender roles, and modern life difficult to reconcile. Hypocrisy among religious leaders is also a frequent grievance. Thus, the push side of the model seems plausible in my context. However, the pull side autonomy, secular communities, and social acceptance is harder to realize. In Northern Nigeria, disaffiliation is socially risky; nonbelief may result in ostracism, family conflict, or even violence. Also, there is less infrastructure for secular or nonreligious community formation; nonbelievers are more isolated. Therefore, even if many feel pushed away by religious institutions, the pull toward secular identity is weaker or more perilous.
Do I agree with the authors’ core thesis? I largely do, with important caveats. I accept that many leave religion because of internal disillusionment and the appeal of autonomy, and that social change lowers the barriers to doing so. But I also believe the model underestimates the asymmetry of risk in different cultural contexts. What works in the U.S. (where social safety nets, pluralism, and legal protections are stronger) might fail in places with high religious homogeneity and limited freedoms for dissent. In Northern Nigeria, a push-pull framework must factor in not only psychological, moral, and intellectual dynamics, but also sociopolitical realities: how state, community, and religious institutions may actively resist or punish disaffiliation.
In conclusion, “The Push Away From Religion and the Pull Toward Secularity” offers a persuasive and nuanced account of how and why disaffiliation from religion has grown in the U.S., using a balanced push-pull lens. The article’s insights stimulate reflection about similar dynamics in other societies. In Northern Nigeria, the push factors they describe certainly resonate, but the pull factors face much stronger barriers. For change to happen in my context, any movement toward secularism or nonbelief would need not only personal courage and intellectual appeal, but protective social structures, safe community spaces, legal protection for dissent, and gradual cultural transformation. The article gives a helpful theoretical lens, but its full promise depends on adapting it sensitively to varied local realities.